North Africa and Middle East Protests: Country by Country

(Photo from: http://compassrosebooks.blogspot.com/)

By Antonia L. Dimou

Reproduced by Middle East Observer, Issue #4, Vol. 2 , March-June 2011

A wave of protests sweeping through parts of the Middle East and North Africa is largely organized by the youth with demands for economic and political reforms, and a higher standard of living. An overview of the revolutionary movement that spread into the wider region denotes that all first started in Tunisia.

In Tunisia, widespread protests in late 2010 sparked by the self-immolation of a street vendor Mohammad Bouazizi in protest of the confiscation of his wares and the harassment and humiliation that was allegedly inflicted on him by a municipal official and her aides. His act became the symbol of remonstrance and catalyst for the Tunisian revolutionary flow which became the most dramatic social and political unrest of the last three decades. Street demonstrations were precipitated by high unemployment, high prices in basic goods, corruption lack of civil freedoms and poor living conditions and led to the oust of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali who ruled Tunisia since 1987. Tunisian demonstrations have been dubbed the Jasmine Revolution in keeping with the geopolitical nomenclature of "colour revolutions", a term that is widely used by the media to describe related movements that developed in several societies in the CIS (former USSR) and Balkan states during the early 2000s.

Next, inspired by the Tunisian revolutionary protests, was Algeria. Protests throughout Algeria from 28 December 2010 onwards sparked by sudden rises in staple food prices, and opposition parties, trade unions, and human rights organisations began to hold weekly demonstrations defying a governmental declaration of a state of emergency. Algerian protests have a common denominator with those in Tunisia, most prominently high unemployment, the lack of housing, widespread corruption, restrictions on freedom of speech and poor standard of living. Major riots broke out in several areas like the Bab El Oued neighbourhood of the capital Algiers and nearby suburbs, as well as the country’s second city, Oran, and other towns including Djelfa, Boumerdes, Annaba, and Tipaza. Within days the riots spread to twenty administrative areas, covering the north including the Kabylie region, several towns in the Sahara, like Ouargla and Bechar. Widespread unrest in Algeria could have implications for the world economy because it is a major oil and gas exporter, but many analysts say a Tunisian-style revolt is unlikely as the government can use its energy wealth to placate most grievances.

Next stop was Egypt, a country of eighty million and a natural leader of the Arab world, where the popular uprising began on 25 January 2011. But many of the grievances on the street are the same. The uprising was mainly a campaign of non-violent civil resistance, which featured a series of demonstrations, and labour strikes. Public demands focused on legal, economic and political issues including police brutality, the lack of free elections, unprecedented levels of corruption in public institutions, high rate of unemployment, food price inflation and low minimum wages. The most important however demand was the end of the Mubarak regime, the cease of the emergency law, and the restoration of civil liberties. The capital city of Cairo became a war zone with 840 deaths reported, and over 6,000 injuries. Protestors stared to gather in Cairo's Tahrir Square, even after a night-time curfew came into effect, and watch groups were organised by civilians to protect neighbourhoods. In an attempt to quell dissent, the 82-year-old Mubarak dissolved his government and named his intelligence chief and close confidant Omar Suleiman as his vice-president and former air force commander Ahmad Shafiq as Egypt's new prime minister, in an apparent step toward setting up a successor other than his son, Gamal.

This move did little to mollify pro-democracy groups, and on 11^th February the Vice President announced that Mubarak stepped down as president and turned power over to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. On 13 April, the prosecutor ordered the former president and both his sons to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power and later on the former Egyptian President was ordered to stand trial on charges of premeditated murder of peaceful protestors and, if convicted, could face the death penalty.

Jordan fell next in the series of regional protests with demonstrators disapproving the rising of prices and demanding the dismissal of the Jordanian government, with no direct challenge to the King. Around 3,500 opposition activists from Jordan's main Islamist opposition group, trade unions and leftist organisations gathered in the capital on 28^th January asking the government to control rising prices, inflation and unemployment. In an attempt to defuse tensions, on February 1, King Abdullah sacked the government and asked Marouf al-Bakhit, an ex-army general, to form a new cabinet, with the authority to take quick, concrete and practical steps to launch a genuine political reform process so that Jordan is placed on the path to strengthen democracy. On 15^th March, a 53-member committee with government officials and opposition leaders was composed to draft new election and new political parties’ laws with a set of a three-month timetable for agreement on political reforms. It is noteworthy that Jordan’s economy continues to struggle, weighed down by a record deficit of $2 billion this year, an inflation rate of around 6.1%, and rampant unemployment and poverty estimated at 12% and 25% respectively.

Syria has been influenced by concurrent protests in the region and dozens of communities across the country erupted in demonstrations against the rule of President Assad. It all began on 26th January 2011, when Hasan Ali Akleh from Al-Hasakah set himself on fire following the example of the Tunisian youth to protest against the Syrian government. On 28th January 2011, an evening demonstration was held in Ar-Raqqah, to protest the killing of two soldiers of Kurdish descent. On 15th March protests escalated simultaneously in major cities across the country and the number of protesters estimated in hundreds of thousands, suggesting that Syria’s fragmented population reached new levels of coherence and organization. the city of Daraa became the focal point for the uprising. On 20^th March, thousands took to the streets of Daraa that became the focal point of protests, with slogans against the country's 48-year emergency law, the release of all political prisoners, and an end to pervasive corruption. Security forces reportedly opened fire during protests and killed peaceful demonstrators, and increasingly, the crackdown against the protests became more violent. In the wake of the violent crackdown on anti-government dissent that has left some 900 people dead, the United States imposed sanctions on three top Syrian officials, Syria's intelligence agency and Iran's Revolutionary Guard.

The US sanctions freeze any assets the individuals have in US jurisdiction and bar Americans from doing business with them. According to a White House statement, the executive order signed by American President Obama “gives the US new tools to target individuals and entities determined to have engaged in human rights abuses in Syria, and also sends a message to the Syrian people that those responsible for the abuses must face consequences for their actions”. On a parallel track, the European Union imposed an arms embargo and sanctions against 13 Syrian officials deemed responsible for the regime's harsh crackdown on protesters. Specifically the EU Council adopted a regulation and a decision providing for an embargo on exports to Syria of arms and equipment that could be used for internal repression, as well as a visa ban and an assets freeze, holding off however sanctioning the Syrian President as the 27 member states were divided over the question.

Yemen has been the next stop of protests that occurred almost simultaneously with the Egyptian revolutionary events. In the early stages, protests in Yemen were against unemployment, corruption, and against the government's proposals to amend the country's constitution. Demands escalated with calls for Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to resign and mass defections from the military, and the government. Succumbing to public demands, the Yemeni President announced that he would not run for re-election in 2013 and also that he would not pass power to his son, Ahmed Saleh, who heads the elite presidential guard. In response, protesters gathered in a series of cities demanding the departure of the Yemeni President with the central slogan that it was "time for change". Protestors’ demands were driven by the unprecedented high levels of poverty among a growing young population and frustration with the lack of political freedoms, and by fears that Yemen is becoming a leading al-Qaeda haven. President Saleh, last re-elected in 2006, became leader of North Yemen in 1978, and has ruled the Republic of Yemen since the north and south merged in 1990.

Saudi Arabia fell next in the series of regional protests whose size remained quite small since demonstrations are not part of the Saudi culture. Shia nationals presented the majority in protests that occurred in the city of Qatif and smaller towns in the Eastern Province, like al-Awamiyah and Hofuf, and demanded the release of prisoners, the withdrawal of Peninsula Shield Force from neighbouring Bahrain, equal representation in key offices, and reforms of political institutions. But calls for political reform gradually started coming from different sections of Saudi society, Shia and Sunni, conservative and liberal alike. It is this that alarms the authorities. On 23th February, Saudi King Abdullah, on his return after three months abroad for health treatment, announced a series of benefits for citizens amounting to 10.7 billion dollars, that include funding to offset high inflation, the loans’ writing off, increase of state employees’ salaries per cent, and the funnelling of funds for housing loans. Notably, no reference was made for political reforms and only some prisoners indicted in financial crimes were pardoned.

Oman inspired by the regional events fell in flow of protests with demands for salary increases and lower costs of living. Omani protests termed as the Green March climaxed on 18^th February, demanding an end to corruption, better distribution of oil revenue, and political reforms within the current governing system of Sultan Qaboos. Reportedly, protests were peaceful, well-organised and disciplined, while placards with protest slogans were translated into English, French and German for the international media. In response to protests, the Sultan On reshuffled his cabinet, the first time in 26^th February, and the second in 7^th March, announced benefits for the students of the Higher College of Technology, decided to set up an independent authority for consumer protection in the country, pledged to create 50,000 government jobs, provide a monthly benefit of $390 to the unemployed and ordered a committee to draft proposals for boosting the power of an elected council that advises him in state affairs. The Sultan also issued eight royal decrees including Royal Decree No 38/2011 that abolishes the Ministry of National Economy and states that a committee shall be formed by the Council of Ministers to manage the distribution of its prerogatives, allocations, assets and employees. Notably, the ministry had been targeted by protesters for being corrupt and inefficient.

Bahrain was the next stop of regional protests whose major aim was the introduction of political reforms and equality for the majority Shia population that complains of receiving poor treatment in employment, housing, and infrastructure, compared to Sunnis who have preferential status. Tens of thousands from the Shia opposition marched through the capital of Manama, carrying Bahrain's red-and-white flag and circling the Manama's financial district which is symbol of the country's prosperity in recent decades. The escalation of unrest in Bahrain prompted the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) on March 14^th at the request of the Bahraini government, to send troops of the Peninsula Shield Force to guard key facilities, such as oil and gas installations and financial institutions. Around 4000 Saudi Arabian troops were dispatched, along with by 500 police officers by the UAE police. Following the deployment of foreign forces from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, Bahraini security forces launched a crackdown on protesters at the Pearl Roundabout and elsewhere, while the king declared a three-month state of emergency, authorising the nation's armed forces chief to take all measures to protect the safety of the country and its citizens. What has become clear is that though Gulf States may not expect to face full-scale revolts thanks to a golden bargain under which their rulers trade a share of their oil wealth for political quiescence, Bahrain is among the most vulnerable to popular pressure.

In Libya, widespread protests seeking for political reforms and democratic elections, upset at delays in the building of housing units and over political corruption, faced repress by the country’s security services. By 27^th January, the government had responded to the housing unrest with a 24 billion dollar investment fund to provide housing and development. Nevertheless, protests erupted in earnest on 15^th February and a "Day of Rage" in Libya and by Libyans in exile spread in major cities like Benghazi, Ajdabiya, Darnah, Az Zintan, and Al Bayda.

As protests progressed, the Libyan government employed artillery, warplanes, anti-aircraft weaponry, and warships against demonstrations. Active resistance to the Gaddafi regime began in Benghazi on 18^th February and covered the country’s Eastern province, while the Gaddafi regime launched a counteroffensive, trying to retake the control sending infantry and armour into cities. The high death toll urged the international community to take action and on 17^th March, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1973 imposing a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace. As result of the UN resolution, the Libyan government declared an immediate ceasefire that lasted only for a few hours, prompting coalition operations to begin. Specifically, nineteen French Air Force fighter planes entered Libyan airspace to begin reconnaissance missions in 19^th March, and flew over Benghazi to prevent any attacks on the rebel-controlled city, US and British naval vessels fired at least Tomahawk cruise missile at Libyan integrated air and ground defence systems and Coalition jets carried out airstrikes against Libyan military installations and targets. Additionally, twenty-five coalition ships, including three US submarines, began operating in the area. On 25^th March, NATO announced that it was taking over the command of the no-fly-zone operations, after several days of heated debate over who should control operations in Libya, and after a while the organisation that the Libyan government's military capabilities were significantly degraded since the operation started. As consequence of the use of violent force against protesters, a number of senior Libyan government officials resigned from their positions like the former minister of Justice and former Minister of Interior, and also a significant number of senior military officials defected.

Several peace mediation efforts were undertaken for a way out to the crisis, with most prominent a proposal by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez who offered to negotiate a settlement between the opposition and the Libyan government, an offer by South African government which proposed an African Union led mediation effort to prevent civil war, and a proposal by Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan who was the 2010 winner of the al-Gaddafi prize for Human Rights, who offered the Libyan President the possibility to appoint a new President acceptable to all Libyans as means to overcome the prolonged crisis.