By Christian Berger*
Reproduced by http://bitterlemons-international.org, February 19, 2009
When comparing the recent fighting in Gaza with other violent conflicts around the world, there is one striking difference: there was no escape for the local civilian population, there was no way out. The sea, the fence and the border to Egypt did not allow civilians to flee from the shelling and shooting. This is quite unique in recent history.
A less unique feature was the ever shrinking humanitarian space. Delivering humanitarian assistance became a daily challenge; it largely still is. Access constraints, a narrow definition of humanitarian aid, the danger of being caught up in the fighting--all drastically reduced the international agencies' capacity to deliver aid. With the international community mainly engaged through humanitarian aid, there are few other conflicts where the need to respect humanitarian space is so acute and probably even fewer where the politicization of aid is so intense.
The international community, including the European Union, kept making these points throughout the fighting and succeeded in setting up, together with the Israeli military, a coordination structure that tried to solve humanitarian problems in real time. This led to the introduction of humanitarian time slots during which the fighting temporarily came to a halt. Paradoxically, it also led to a higher quantity of supplies going into the Gaza Strip than during the 18 months prior to the fighting. However, this was no substitute for the most important goal: an end to the hostilities and the killing.
Today, more than one month after the fighting ended, we are still grappling with the fallout from the crisis. Unemployment levels have risen to be among the highest in the world (46 percent) as a result of the collapse of the private sector, with a corresponding effect on rising poverty and almost 80 percent of the population dependent on some form of humanitarian assistance. The black market is booming with all its adverse consequences, ranging from skyrocketing prices to the lucrative smuggling enterprise at Rafah. This is compounded by a lack of cash permitted into the Gaza Strip that is crippling the banking system and does not allow for regular payment of assistance to vulnerable families and the payment of salaries of employees dependent on the legitimate Palestinian government.
The definition of humanitarian aid remains restrictive: the items allowed in are determined on a day-to-day, case-by-case basis. Needs estimates made after the Israeli disengagement from Gaza in 2005 have long been outdated by a prolonged period of import restrictions that has led to a depletion of stocks and lack of spare parts. Also, the demand for building materials and other basic items one takes for granted in daily life has exponentially grown in the wake of the recent fighting.
The international community and Palestinian engineers are now engaged in assessing the damage. They are drawing up a recovery plan to be discussed at a conference in Sharm al-Sheikh in early March. But is all this heightened activity really the answer? Will it lead to a solution? Humanitarian aid, crossing points, lists of items that can or cannot be imported ... these are important albeit technical points that fail to address the underlying political issues.
First among these are efforts to bring about Palestinian unity. The political divisions within Palestinian society make it difficult if not impossible to improve the quality of life of Palestinians. Our efforts will bring only limited benefit if Palestinian unity in pursuit of peace is not achieved.
Second, continuation of the peace process--or, rather, bringing the peace process to a successful conclusion.
Third, Gaza must not overshadow the problems of the West Bank. It must not jeopardize the real achievements that the Palestinian Authority, in partnership with the international community, has made in delivering greater security, greater--albeit modest--prosperity and a better quality of life for the Palestinians of the West Bank.
Fourth, implementation of the 2005 Access and Movement Agreement negotiated by then Quartet envoy James Wolfensohn. This entails the full opening of border crossings for imports and exports, the beginning of construction of a seaport, preparing the reopening of the airport and establishing a transport link with the West Bank.
The people of Gaza do not deserve the imprisonment that hatred, fanaticism and conflict bring in their ugly wake. The people, and in particular the children, of Gaza instead deserve reason, hope and an explanation of what was done to them during the hostilities. They deserve freedom from fear, freedom from want, freedom from hatred and freedom from the hazardous and irresponsible acts of others.
It is time that Gazans no longer have to worry whether goods that are not deemed strictly humanitarian in nature like macaroni, candy and fruit juice can be imported, let alone fuel, cement, reinforcing steel and glass panes. It is time that Gazans no longer have to worry whether or not their children can go to university abroad and their sick be treated in hospitals abroad, or whether or not they can entertain the outlandish thought of going on vacation abroad. Isn't this the way matters should be?
Gazans have the right not only to mere survival, but to a decent and normal life. The absence of a political breakthrough keeps postponing the one thing Gazans desperately need: a return to normal life.- Published 19/2/2009 © bitterlemons-international.org
* Christian Berger is European Commission representative in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Previously he served as EU representative on the team of Quartet Special Envoy James Wolfensohn, and was responsible for crisis response and peace-building in the European Commission. This article reflects his personal views and not necessarily those of the European Commission.
When comparing the recent fighting in Gaza with other violent conflicts around the world, there is one striking difference: there was no escape for the local civilian population, there was no way out. The sea, the fence and the border to Egypt did not allow civilians to flee from the shelling and shooting. This is quite unique in recent history.
A less unique feature was the ever shrinking humanitarian space. Delivering humanitarian assistance became a daily challenge; it largely still is. Access constraints, a narrow definition of humanitarian aid, the danger of being caught up in the fighting--all drastically reduced the international agencies' capacity to deliver aid. With the international community mainly engaged through humanitarian aid, there are few other conflicts where the need to respect humanitarian space is so acute and probably even fewer where the politicization of aid is so intense.
The international community, including the European Union, kept making these points throughout the fighting and succeeded in setting up, together with the Israeli military, a coordination structure that tried to solve humanitarian problems in real time. This led to the introduction of humanitarian time slots during which the fighting temporarily came to a halt. Paradoxically, it also led to a higher quantity of supplies going into the Gaza Strip than during the 18 months prior to the fighting. However, this was no substitute for the most important goal: an end to the hostilities and the killing.
Today, more than one month after the fighting ended, we are still grappling with the fallout from the crisis. Unemployment levels have risen to be among the highest in the world (46 percent) as a result of the collapse of the private sector, with a corresponding effect on rising poverty and almost 80 percent of the population dependent on some form of humanitarian assistance. The black market is booming with all its adverse consequences, ranging from skyrocketing prices to the lucrative smuggling enterprise at Rafah. This is compounded by a lack of cash permitted into the Gaza Strip that is crippling the banking system and does not allow for regular payment of assistance to vulnerable families and the payment of salaries of employees dependent on the legitimate Palestinian government.
The definition of humanitarian aid remains restrictive: the items allowed in are determined on a day-to-day, case-by-case basis. Needs estimates made after the Israeli disengagement from Gaza in 2005 have long been outdated by a prolonged period of import restrictions that has led to a depletion of stocks and lack of spare parts. Also, the demand for building materials and other basic items one takes for granted in daily life has exponentially grown in the wake of the recent fighting.
The international community and Palestinian engineers are now engaged in assessing the damage. They are drawing up a recovery plan to be discussed at a conference in Sharm al-Sheikh in early March. But is all this heightened activity really the answer? Will it lead to a solution? Humanitarian aid, crossing points, lists of items that can or cannot be imported ... these are important albeit technical points that fail to address the underlying political issues.
First among these are efforts to bring about Palestinian unity. The political divisions within Palestinian society make it difficult if not impossible to improve the quality of life of Palestinians. Our efforts will bring only limited benefit if Palestinian unity in pursuit of peace is not achieved.
Second, continuation of the peace process--or, rather, bringing the peace process to a successful conclusion.
Third, Gaza must not overshadow the problems of the West Bank. It must not jeopardize the real achievements that the Palestinian Authority, in partnership with the international community, has made in delivering greater security, greater--albeit modest--prosperity and a better quality of life for the Palestinians of the West Bank.
Fourth, implementation of the 2005 Access and Movement Agreement negotiated by then Quartet envoy James Wolfensohn. This entails the full opening of border crossings for imports and exports, the beginning of construction of a seaport, preparing the reopening of the airport and establishing a transport link with the West Bank.
The people of Gaza do not deserve the imprisonment that hatred, fanaticism and conflict bring in their ugly wake. The people, and in particular the children, of Gaza instead deserve reason, hope and an explanation of what was done to them during the hostilities. They deserve freedom from fear, freedom from want, freedom from hatred and freedom from the hazardous and irresponsible acts of others.
It is time that Gazans no longer have to worry whether goods that are not deemed strictly humanitarian in nature like macaroni, candy and fruit juice can be imported, let alone fuel, cement, reinforcing steel and glass panes. It is time that Gazans no longer have to worry whether or not their children can go to university abroad and their sick be treated in hospitals abroad, or whether or not they can entertain the outlandish thought of going on vacation abroad. Isn't this the way matters should be?
Gazans have the right not only to mere survival, but to a decent and normal life. The absence of a political breakthrough keeps postponing the one thing Gazans desperately need: a return to normal life.- Published 19/2/2009 © bitterlemons-international.org
* Christian Berger is European Commission representative in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Previously he served as EU representative on the team of Quartet Special Envoy James Wolfensohn, and was responsible for crisis response and peace-building in the European Commission. This article reflects his personal views and not necessarily those of the European Commission.
